I'll preface everything I am about to say by acknowledging that there are far better reviews available for this book. See here, here, and here for examples.
It is no secret that there are many different strands of libertarianism. In fact, a running joke is that you will not find two libertarians that agree on everything. Rothbard, Mr. Libertarian, through this book, outlines the basic tenets of what it means to be a libertarian and, more importantly, conveys his vision of the effects of a truly libertarian society.
For a New Liberty will challenge every preconceived notion you have about existing government programs and services. You will scratch your head, furrow your brow, and perhaps laugh out loud at some of Rothbard's ideas and principles. But through it all, Rothbard's consistent logic, steadfast devotion to individualism, and commitment to the market economy will evoke deeper thought.
As stated above, the book covers every area of the individual-versus-society conflict: education, involuntary servitude, the welfare/warfare state, inflation and business cycles, government and business, streets and roads, police, law, courts, environmental concerns, and war and foreign policy. Rothbard finishes his book with a strategy for liberty, wherein he outlines society's transformation from our present situation to one in which the individual is superior to the state.
The book's central theme is presented on the very first page. Known as the "non-aggressive axiom," the libertarian creed is defined as follows: no man or group of men may aggress against the person or property of anyone else. Using this axiom, Rothbard brilliantly displays how the government is the most egregious violator of the principle, through practices such as taxation, conscription, usurpation of property rights (eminent domain), and other "accepted" statist ploys. Central to combating these practices is the belief that no conglomerate non-entity (i.e. the State or "society") should, by virtue of its existence, contain with it any more rights and privileges than the individuals who comprise it. In other words, a group of people is not entitled to any more rights than each individual in the group.
Of particular interest to me was the section on involuntary servitude. Every government has a shameful history of coercing its citizens into serving the means of the state. Obvious examples of this practice include the military draft and slavery, but Rothbard also challenges the notion of "contractual" military service. As a former military officer, I believed (as do many) that I was obligated to serve out the balance of my contract with the military, which was six years. In exchange for my military service, I received scholarship and a steady paycheck. But the question I never asked was: what if my employer (the US government) subjected me to circumstances with which I disagree? What options do I have at my disposal as an employee, and how do those options compare with the options available in other sectors of the workforce--public and private?
A good example to use here is an officer (or enlistee) being sent--against his or her will--into war. Many service members are on lists, and when their number comes up, they are expected to fill the open job overseas...be it in Iraq, Afghanistan, or elsewhere. The underlying assumption is that, because you are "under contract" you are subjected to the whims of the military, and that "you knew the risks when you signed the contract."
Rothbard debunks this mentality in two ways. First, he asks whether or not there is another organization that can use the government's weaponry to physically force someone into service. Unsurprisingly, the answer is no. Once a person is forced to work against his or her will, the government (or organization) is enslaving that person, and that person should be allowed to leave. Rothbard concedes that penalties will be incurred on the part of the individual for breach of contract (i.e. blacklisted from similar corporations, loss of pension rights, etc.) but the act of leaving a job should never be met with involuntary servitude (as it is in the military). Rothbard's belief--and the libertarian position--is that breach of contract is a moral default, but it is not a legally enforceable obligation.
Second, Rothbard challenges the idea that the military is a particularly important occupation and, as such, demands some form of coercive mechanism that other employers do not enjoy. To make his point, Rothbard compares the military to another, equally dangerous (and arguably more important) occupation: police officers. Every year men and women join and leave the police force without incurring some form of contractual obligation. Moreover, individuals leaving the police force are not subjected to the draconian punishments inherent in the military. No police officer is threatened with imprisonment, fines, or being "shot at sunrise" for "deserting" his or her post as a police officer. As yet, I am unfamiliar with any form of conscription undertaken to combat insufficient amounts of police. If the idea of a police officer draft sounds silly to you, why isn't any insistence of a military draft (or contract fulfillment within the military) met with equal disdain?
My favorite section of the book--and the one guaranteed to elicit the most vocal response from critics--is Rothbard's discussion of road privatization. Rothbard's contention is that the problems facing travelers can be solved by allowing market forces to dictate the rules, and that government bureaucracies have failed miserably to make the roads safer, cheaper, or more efficient. To quickly summarize Rothbard's solution, I'd compare it to our present situation with cell phone providers. Callers are allotted a certain amount of minutes every month during "peak" periods, with free nights and weekends. Similarly, road companies would charge higher tolls for use during peak periods, say during traditional "rush" hours. The "higher" prices would cause several things to happen; namely, more carpooling, use of public transit, or variation in working schedules for individuals insisting on driving their own cars. The residual effect of more people taking advantage of the above options would be lighter traffic volume, meaning a faster commute.
While reading this section and Rothbard's proposals, I was reminded of a conversation I had with a friend last fall. We were waiting for the gates to open to the FedEx field parking lots, and we both took note of the packed cars surrounding us. I remember making a joke, saying something to the effect of "if you ever want to force people to carpool, all you need to do is follow the template provided at football stadiums." While I'm sure people complain non-stop about what they perceive to be exorbitantly high prices for parking at football stadiums, that doesn't stop them from coming. The owners of the parking lots, as private individuals, have determined a method to maximize revenue for the amount of space available for parked cars...and individuals have responded by carpooling. The stadium, and the parking lots, are always full...despite the complaints.
The above anecdote is not an endorsement of private road companies charging high prices for use of their roads, however. FedEx field is a bit of an anomaly in that traffic patterns and available space is fixed, whereas private highways and city streets are completely unpredictable. Rather than endorse a government monopoly over roads, I'm suggesting--as does Rothbard--that we let private individuals (and not an inefficient government monopoly) determine the most efficient way to manage our highways. The outcome will be safer, less congested highways.
Overall, For a New Liberty is a lucid representation of the libertarian philosophy and its application in solving the (seemingly) impossible problems in today's society. This book will challenge every one of your beliefs, and cause you to question traditional methods for solving problems. No one who has ever questioned government's motives, practices, and procedures can afford not to read any of Rothbard's works. For a New Liberty is an excellent introduction to--and reference manual for--libertarianism.
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